Showing posts with label Toms River. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Toms River. Show all posts

Tuesday, October 16, 2018

Brick, Toms River, and their State Aid


Since the beginning of Steve Sweeney's efforts to redistribute Adjustment Aid, Toms River and Brick have been two of the most vocal opponents of reform.

The two districts have launched petitions for their Adjustment Aid, initiated lobbying, and now commenced a lawsuit, for which Brick's BOE has already authorized $10,000 and Toms River has authorized $5,000.

Brick and Toms River have depicted the prospect of "only" being funded at 100% as "decimating"
The day of reckoning we have been describing for the last four years is here," [Toms River] Superintendent David M. Healy said. "This year’s state aid losses as well as the future projections will unequivocally devastate this school district in terms of programs, services, staff, class sizes, property taxes, facilities and our ability to provide a thorough and efficient education to our children."
And:
"[Loss of Adjustment Aid] will certainly start decimating our district, starting now."

Brick's Democratic mayor, John Ducey, has just endorsed Chris Christie's already-dead equal funding proposal:

"Why is a kid in another district worth more than a kid here in Brick Township?" Brick Mayor John G. Ducey said Tuesday. "They're not. Every kid should be equally funded. It's just a total abomination of our constitution here in New Jersey."

This blog post will look at Brick and Toms Rivers' tax capacity, loss of enrollment, and then pivot to agreeing with Brick that SFRA itself is not fair to middle-income districts in New Jersey.

Background: 

Despite the aid cuts of 2018-19, Brick and Toms River are substantially advantaged by the state aid status quo.

Whereas the median district is underaided by $417 per student, Brick is overaided by $2,525 per student and Toms River by $1,157 per student.



Brick's 2018-19 state aid surplus is $21,331,456. Toms Rivers' surplus is $17,581,822.

The deficit for the underaided districts is $1.75 billion.

In 2017-18 and before, Brick and Toms River were more advantaged than in 2018-19. Brick's surplus was $2,703 per student and Toms Rivers' was $1,376 per student.

Brick and Toms River Have Low School Taxes

First, Brick and Toms River both have school tax rates that are much lower than the state average.

Whereas New Jersey's average school tax rate is 1.2, Brick and Toms River have tax rates that are approximately 1%, 1.0666% for Brick and 0.9244% for Toms River.

For Brick, the 2018-19 school tax levy is 82.6% of its Local Fair Share. For Toms River, the 2018-19 school tax levy is 78.5% of its Local Fair Share.

The median district in NJ pays 98.5% of its Local Fair Share.

2018-19 Local Fair Share 2018-19 Local Tax Levy Tax Deficit 2018-19 Adjustment Aid
Brick $129,909,386 $107,261,323 ($22,648,063) $21,331,456
Toms River $197,787,405 $155,329,012 ($42,458,393) $17,581,822




Again, the amount of state aid that Brick and Toms River are projected to lose over the next six years is not even equal to the deficit in each district's tax capacity.

Counting municipal and county taxes, neither Brick nor Toms River has high all-in taxes.  Brick's all-in tax rate is 2.058%.  Toms Rivers' is 1.895%.  The state average all-in property tax rate is 2.4%.

Although Brick and Toms River would be rightly concerned about the tax cap, based on the experience of other towns in NJ who exist with higher school taxes, Brick and Toms River are able to pay for a larger percentage of their local schools than they currently do.

Loss of Enrollment, Loss of Equalized Valuation

Both Brick and Toms River have had substantial enrollment loss in last 15-20 years, losing 24% and 15% of their enrollments, respectively.  Although Hurricane Sandy was an enrollment-loss inflection point, the enrollment loss began several years before Hurricane Sandy and is mirrored in other towns in non-metropolitan New Jersey who are not affected by Hurricane Sandy.

Brick's enrollment peaked in 2003-04, at 11,450. Toms River's enrollment also peaked in 2003-04, at 18,192.5.



By contrast, the state's enrollment is only down by 1% since its 2005-2006 peak.

Hurricane Sandy

There's no denying that Brick and Toms River have lost tax base over the last few years, in part by Hurricane Sandy.   From 2008 to 2018, Brick lost 17% of its Equalized Valuation and Toms River lost 10%, compared to the state's average loss of only 6.6%.

HOWEVER, SFRA compensates Brick and Toms River for the loss of tax base, since as a district's Equalized Valuation and Aggregate Income shrink, so does its Local Fair Share.  As Local Fair Share decreases, Equalization Aid increases.

Brick and Toms Rivers' boards of education may decide that their communities do not need to handle paying the state's 1.3% average tax rate, but they have the option of cutting costs.

I do not think that consolidating schools is easy, but it is a prospect in large swathes of New Jersey and at some point it becomes a necessity.

Here Brick and Toms River are actually advantaged because they are very large school districts with 12 and 18 schools, respectively.

Brick is Right About One Big Thing about SFRA

Although I strongly support the redistribution of Adjustment Aid and I believe that Brick and Toms River are in denial about their ability to pay higher local taxes and even consolidate schools, I am in agreement with Brick that SFRA sees Brick as a "wealthy district" when in actuality it is merely middle-income.

"Under the formula, Brick Township is considered a wealthy district."

Without Adjustment Aid, Brick would only receive $12,811,141 for its 8,449 students, which is $1,516 per student.

If you compare Brick's state aid target to the targets of extremely wealthy districts, you can see that Brick is essentially treated as a wealthy district too:


State Aid Target Per StudentLocal Fair Share Per Student
BRICK$1,516$15,376
PRINCETON$1,193$31,619
RUMSON-FAIR HAVEN REG$1,204$27,539
PARAMUS $1,214$27,706
HOBOKEN $1,207$79,106
SPRING LAKE BORO$1,411$166,397
AVALON $2,041$1,935,039
OCEAN CITY$1,127$65,703
FLORHAM PARK $1,126$32,272
MILLBURN $1,125$35,462

I'll compare Brick to Princeton, since Brick has complained about Princeton gaining state aid while it
Avalon is NJ's Richest District in Tax Base Per Student, so
Why on Earth does Avalon, NJ Need $2041 Per Student
in State Aid?
loses state aid, although Princeton is not even close to being NJ's wealthiest district (which is Avalon).

Brick's median household income is $70,655. Princeton's median household income is $118,467.

Although Brick's $1,516 state aid target might be 27% higher than Princeton's in percentage terms, it is only dollars per student that is budgetarily meaningful. 

Brick's $323 superior state funding per student relative to Princeton is very little additional state support in terms of the overall budget.  

To put it another way, Princeton is supposed to fund 92.4% of its Adequacy Budget with local taxes; Brick is supposed to fund 90.6%. 





To put it another way mathematically, SFRA expects Princeton to tax itself at $14,478 per student. It expects Brick to tax itself as $14,692 per student, even though Brick has nowhere near Princeton's wealth. In actuality, Princeton taxes itself at $19,825 per student because it wants to have higher spending.  (and that amount is nowhere near Princeton's Local Fair Share.)

What Brick is complaining about is a statewide problem. For 2018-19, 44% of NJ districts are not supposed to receive Equalization Aid. All in, there are 269/588 districts in NJ are that are supposed to receive less than $2,000 per student.

The reason we haven't heard about how inadequate SFRA's target is for middle-class districts is because most NJ's middle-class districts are underaided compared to their SFRA target anyway, and so for them to get even $1525 per student like Brick is supposed to get would be an improvement.

I will write a future post on making NJ school funding fairer to middle-class districts.

The Bottom Line is that NJ Can't Afford Adjustment Aid

Brick and Toms River aren't wealthy enough to just shrug off the loss of Adjustment Aid, but the bottom line is that they can afford to pay the same tax rates that other non-wealthy towns pay.  I acknowledge that it will be damaging to pay more in taxes, but Brick and Toms Rivers' taxes are artificially low due to the involuntary generosity of taxpayers in the rest of New Jersey.  It would be nice if NJ had a state aid law that helped middle-income districts, but given that we don't, it's inherently unfair to treat some middle-class districts differently than other middle-class districts.

NJ does not have a budgetary choice but to redistribute state aid.  For 2018-19, the state aid deficit for the 370 underaided districts was $1.74 billion and that continually grows.

Although 2018-19 Adjustment Aid was technically $652 million, at least $50 million of that is already roped off from redistribution because it goes to vo-techs or districts with very high municipal taxes.

Given NJ's intensifying needs to fund teacher pensions, post-retirement medical, and other debts, the state cannot create equity in K-12 school funding by increasing state aid alone and redistribution has to be part of the solution.

Redistributing state aid does mean some districts must lose state aid, but these districts will only be reduced to 100% of their recommended funding.  When NJ has 370 districts who are currently given less than 100% funding, I have a hard time seeing the unfairness of that.

-----

See Also:













Thursday, June 29, 2017

Falsehoods from Toms River


Since Steve Sweeney and Vincent Prieto agreed on a plan that would redistribute $31 million (originally $46 million) of the $670 million New Jersey has been giving out as "Hold Harmless Aid," the most vocal opposition has come from Toms River.

For background, Toms River receives $68.3 million in state aid, even though SFRA's core formulas say it only needs $47.2 million.  That $21.1 million excess is one of the ten largest in New Jersey in total dollars and works out to $1300 per student.

The $21 million in excess aid, plus Toms Rivers' own acceptance of very low student spending, allow Toms River to tax at only 75% of Local Fair Share, with a $151 million 2017-18 tax levy on a Local Fair Share of $197.6 million.

Despite having over $46 million in untapped Local Fair Share, and a knowledge that most New Jersey school districts tax above Local Fair Share, the Toms River Board of Education opposes any redistribution.

As part of their campaign in defense of their own aid hoarding, the Toms River Board of Education and its administrators have been writing op-eds arguing tha aid cuts are "unfair" for many reasons, the following of which are chief:
And how in good conscience can these legislators propose taking $3.3 million dollars from Toms River Regional when we are still reeling from the effects of Superstorm Sandy and have $600 million in ratables that have yet to be recovered? The topic of property tax assessments highlights another known critical flaw of the school aid formula- it allows for districts to have significantly understated property tax assessment totals in the aid calculation, which matters greatly because a district’s ‘wealth’ is the basis for a large portion of a district’s school aid. For example, the property wealth calculation does not include Payments in Lieu of Taxes (‘Pilots’) and tax abatement programs, which excludes millions of dollars in property ratables, which could be material to the calculation of a district’s school aid. The same legislators are also aware that large school aid increases, some in the millions, would be given to several districts whose towns have not had property assessment revaluations in over 25 years! Having an understated property ratable figure provides large aid dollars for several districts, and since the pot of school aid is limited, it takes away significant amounts of school aid that would be spread to the rest of the districts in the State.

Where to begin?
1.  A Lack of a Reval has No Effect on State Aid

It is true that there are towns in New Jersey (all in Hudson, Middlesex, and Union Counties) that have not done revals since the 1980s, but it is completely erroneous to say that a town's lack of a property reval in any way affects its state aid.

This is because state aid is based on Equalized Valuation, not the official assessment.

Equalized Valuation, which is also used to apportion county taxes, is calculated based on the ratio of sales prices to official valuation.

If, on average, sale prices are 115% of official assessment, then Equalized Valuation equals 115% of the town's total official assessment. If sale prices are, on average, 200% of official assessment, then Equalized Valuation equals 200% of the town's total official assessment.  Since Equalized Valuation is the product of official assessment times the sales ratio, a lack of a reval does not affect it.

Ironically, by insisting that the state maintain a frozen aid distribution, the Toms River BOE and administration are effectively say that the state not do a "state aid reval" of its own.

2.  Toms River was Overaided Before Sandy, Loss of Ratables is Factored into State Aid

Toms River (and Brick) have repeatedly said that it is unfair to take aid away from them because they have not recovered from Hurricane Sandy.

First of all, Toms River was overaided before Sandy occurred. In 2011-12 Toms River got $9.8 million in Adjustment Aid.  In SFRA's first year of 2008-09, Toms River got $18.5 million in Adjustment Aid.

Now, post-Sandy Toms River is more overaided than it was before Sandy, but the loss of tax base that Toms River brings up is already built-into the calculation of Toms Rivers' Local Fair Share state aid.

Since Toms Rivers now has an Equalized Valuation of $15,167,528,438 versus the $16,065,236,923 it had previous to Sandy, Toms Rivers' Local Fair Share is reduced by about $6 million, approximated based on
Equalized Valuation alone.  I do not have data on a loss of Aggregate Income, but if it is lower than it was pre-Sandy, that would reduce Toms Rivers' Local Fair Share as well.

What causes Toms River to lose state aid is that Toms Rivers' enrollment has also declined, partly due to Sandy and that enrollment decline causes Toms Rivers' Adequacy Budget to fall.  However, as enrollment declines, so does staffing needs, Out Of District tuition, and a few other budget items, so Toms Rivers' expenses are lower.

(See also:
"Jersey City's Property Reassessment Won't Change State Aid")

3.  PILOT Reform without Adjustment Aid Reform Does Nothing.

Toms River is correct that PILOTing is a distortion of state aid, since PILOTed property is "invisible" to the determination of Equalized Valuation and thereby Local Fair Share, but even if PILOTed property were included in the calculation of Local Fair Share, districts with a lot of PILOTed property (namely Jersey City) would not lose any state aid unless Adjustment Aid were also addressed.

If PILOTed property were included in the determination of Local Fair Share and no reform to Adjustment Aid were made, all that would happen is Jersey City's and Asbury Park would have some of their Equalization Aid converted into Adjustment Aid.

4.  Extra Aid for Low Spenders?

Toms River also makes an out-of-left field argument that it should be rewarded with extra state aid because it spends (and taxes) so little.

In terms of trying to justify their new aid proposal, can the same legislators explain how it is possible that aid increases would be given to districts who have total per pupil costs over $29,000 already (compared to $16,319 in Toms River Regional)? This highlights one of the critical flaws with the State Aid formula- it allows for unlimited per pupil costs, and gives no credit or consideration to districts with lower per pupil spending. The formula unjustly portrays lower-spending districts like Toms River Regional as not paying our ‘fair share’ in taxes when in fact we do pay our fair share. The reason we tax less is simple- we spend less! So before taking school aid from any district, per pupil costs should first be capped and no additional school aid should be given when that cap is exceeded.
What Toms River is doing here is attempting to redefine Local Fair Share to something other than the formula contained within SFRA.

Based on its Equalized Valuation and Aggregate Income, Toms Rivers's Local Fair Share at $197,593,919, compared to a 2017-18 tax levy of only $151,916,715.  This gives the Toms River schools an equalized school tax rate of only 0.9529 for 2017-18, which is significantly below New Jersey's 1.35 average.  

Given that Toms River has that $45.6 million in untapped Local Fair Share, it has the economic ability to compensate for the $21,140,413 in excess aid it might lose.  If Toms River made up for that lost $21 million in state aid its school tax rate would only become 1.08.

This is a twisted point to unpack:

So before taking school aid from any district, per pupil costs should first be capped and no additional school aid should be given when that cap is exceeded.

There are only a handful of districts spending $29,000 in New Jersey and all of them are losing state aid or seeing flat aid.  Lebanon Boro and New Hanover are high-spending districts that are gaining trivial amounts of aid ( $670 total and $3,598 total, respectively), so I can't figure out what Toms River is talking about here other than they want to distract from the issue of Adjustment Aid.

There are some very affluent districts who are gaining aid, such as Millburn, Princeton, Mountain Lakes, and Livingston, but these districts don't have spending that is anywhere near $29,000 per student.  If Toms River believes that affluent districts shouldn't get state aid, then that is a separate issue, but they are making an argument that is actually contrary to the principles that Toms Rivers' Republicanism usually stands for.

If Toms Rivers' implied demand that districts actually get extra state aid because they spend very little were implemented then it would have the perverse effect of equalizing spending between districts that make very different local tax efforts,  since the low tax/low spending districts would get extra state aid.  On what planet does cutting aid from districts that choose to tax themselves make sense?

If Toms Rivers' demand were granted, there would be a rush by Boards of Ed to slash their tax levies, slash their budgets, and receive extra state aid.

It makes no sense except in that it supports Toms Rivers' self-interest.

Finally, what is really missing from Toms Rivers' argument is any acknowledgement of how indebted and fiscally screwed New Jersey has become.

As I have posted many times on this blog, all of New Jersey's new
revenue is absorbed by the "PHD" expenses of Pensions, Healthcare, and Debt, even though New Jersey is still underfunding its pensions by $2.5 billion.

The amount of money New Jersey can plausibly gain by increasing taxes is $1-$1.5 billion and it would be irresponsible and imprudent to put all of that money into K-12 education.

Without redistribution there is no realistic budgetary pathway to fairness for underaided districts.

Sadly, even with complete redistribution of Adjustment Aid and the injection of another $500 million today's underaided districts will still not be brought to 100%.

Toms River is acting in its own self-interest nothing else.